Published in Nacional number 352, 2002-08-13

Autor: Robert Bajruši

Nacional exclusive

Documents which prove that Dinamo bought the 1999 football championship

Immediately after the scandalous game between Rijeka and Osijek, Nacional published that the championship had been stolen and the results set up by SZUP on Tudjman’s orders. Only in recent days has the complex mosaic of the greatest hijacking in the history of Croatia football fallen into place: Nacional is in possession of the contract by which Dinamo rewarded Osijek for participating in the set up.

Had someone told Ćiro Blažević only months ago that he could soon become homeless, he would have sent them all to hell. However, judging by the serious approach to business the new Dinamo bankruptcy manager is taking, Blažević’s future could be somewhat troubled. Like many companies facing financial collapse, Dinamo also declared bankruptcy, however certain real estate, including Blažević’s luxury apartment in Zagreb, remain registered as club property. Though he received the apartment from the club in 1982, he never bought it out, and thus the apartment falls into the club’s bankruptcy mass. It appears that ten or so former players could also be in the same situation, for due to the club administration’s laziness, they never succeeded in buying out the flats in which they live, and they as well have become part of the bankruptcy mass.

The greatest problem, however, is the debt owed to 14 former footballers totaling 6,696,000 DEM, without the accompanying interest. The following players are still awaiting their money: Robert Prosinečki (1,550,000 DEM), Igor Cvitanović (1,411,000), Josko Jeličić (800,000 DEM), Dražen Ladić (500,000), Miljenko Mumlek (400,000), Tomislav Rukavina (380,000), Goran Jurić (320,000), Nermin Sabić (280,000), Šaša Bjelanovic (200,000), Ardian Koznik (195,000), Miroslav Dujmović (250,000), Mario Cvitanović (145,000), Vladimir Vasilj (110,000) and NK Rijeka for Jasmin Agić (1,017,810 kn).

Political football

Three years after the decision by Franjo Tudjman to involve SZUP and the criminal milieu of NK Croatia (former name for Dinamo) in the hijacking of the 1998/9 championship in the final round of play, the final pieces of the complex puzzle have fallen into place explaining the greatest fraud in the history of Croatian sport. Though it is well known that Zadar referee with a thick criminal record Rene Sinovčić, and referees Alojzija Šupraha and Zoran Krečko participated in the set up, Nacional is now in possession of the key material evidence proving the entire operation – the secret contract by which Croatia’s director Mirko Novosel paid 200,000 DEM to NK Osijek president Antun Novalić for their participation in the set up.

The payment was made three months following the May 30,1999 game between Osijek and Rijeka, in which with a little help from the referees, the result was 1:1. On the first of September that same year, Novalić and Novosel signed the fictitious contract in which NK Croatia paid NK Osijek 200,000 DM.

Both from the legal and logical perspectives, this deal would have left anyone in disbelief. The document, written on official NK Osijek letterhead, refers to the interest of NK Croatia for Jurica Vranješ, a young members of the junior team and one of Croatia’s up and coming football talents. On the other hand, Osijek committed itself to offering Croatia first rights to Vranješ, and only if those two clubs failed to make the deal would he be offered to a third club. “NK Croatia has expressed its interest to buy Jurica Vranješ upon NK Osijek’s decision to transfer. NK Osijek is hereby committed to first contact NK Croatia in the event of a possible transfer…NK Croatia is obligated to pay 200,000 DEM for the first rights …NK Osijek is not obligated to return those funds,” state the most important parts of the contract, which consists of only eight paragraphs.

Jurica Vranješ

And that was how it ended, Osijek took the 200,000 DEM, and already that winter Jurica Vranješ and Marko Babić were sold to Bayer from Leverkusen, and there was never even a chance that they would play for the national champions. The goal was achieved, the fictitious contract between Novosel and Novalić enabled Croatia to pay out their debt for the phony championship, albeit with the help of an illegal contract. Both signees got what they were after: Novosel got the championship and with it Tudjman’s favor, while Novalić got 200,000 DEM and the Croatian Cup. The third participant in the deal, Jurica Vranješ, according to a long time friend who wished to remain anonymous; he never had any knowledge of an inter-club deal concerning his career. However, in order to understand the background of the whole affair, it is necessary to go back and to recall the dramatic events, particularly the fact that Nacional immediately published proof that the leading intelligence agents, on orders by Franjo Tudjman, tailored the end results of the football championship.

In order to repeat their championship win from the year before, the players of Croatia had to win at their game in Osijek in the second to last round. That is what happened, and it was Koznik who secured the winning goal ten minutes before the end of the game. The final round of play was also marked by a victory, and the final results were left up to the game between Osijek and Rijeka in Rijeka. Rijeka had the chance to beat out Novalić’s players and take the national championship for the first time in the club’s history. Instead, a huge scandal arose which only now has become clear. It looked at first as though Rijeka would have an easy time beating their opponents, due to a clear division in the quality of the two teams, however the guests soon took the lead, and Rijeka barely had a chance to tie it up. It was the 89th minute when Rijeka player Admir Hasančić scored on a counterattack, however, assistant referee Zoran Kreček nullified the goal. The whole of the sporting public knew that the game had been rigged so that Tudjman’s Croatia could win once again, but the extent of the farce became known only two days later, on June 1.

Thanks to sources close to the intelligence community, Nacional was able to publish a transcript which proved that SZUP and HIS had rigged the championship on Tudjman’s orders, while months beforehand, football referees and officials, sports reporters and fans were being tracked, with Franjo Tudjman receiving all the information. This operation was left by the former head of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution, Ivan Brzović, and its executors were football referees Alojzija Šupraha, head referee for the Rijeka-Osijek match and otherwise head of SZUP in Split, and Zadar referee Reno Sinovčić, who was head referee for the main Croatia game, as well as for the Cup final between Osijek and Cibalia, in which Novalić’s club won following the refereeing set up.

SZUP preparations before the game

In mid May, SZUP submitted a special report on Rene Sinovčić, concluding that this was a person involved in crime and partial to socializing with people similar to himself. The file contained a surprising list of criminal activities for a referee: from the theft of two mattresses, a table and chairs from a torched Serbian house to racketeering and obtaining a monopoly in the Zadar fish market. However, this was only a portion of the SZUP reports on the press, club members and several fans suspected of destabilizing the nation with the requests that the team’s original name be returned.

Particularly remarkable is the conversation held between Sinovčić and one of the NK Croatia directors, Branko Ljaljak. In commenting on the upcoming games, Reno Sinovčić explained that he had a deal with Antun Novalić for Osijek to let Croatia win, while in return Sinovčić would be given the head referee spot for the Cup final between Osijek and Cibalia. His words became the truth within only days. First, Osijek lost to Croatia in the second to last round of play, putting Croatia back in the running for the championship title. Seven days later, Osijek came to Rijeka to play an insignificant game for them, for in no way were they able to improve their standings.

However, they played as though they were after the title, and with the orchestration of referee Alojzija Šupraha and his assistant Zoran Krečka, they succeeded in holding onto the tie which put Croatia in the overall lead. The finale of the set up was the Cup final, which referee Sinovčić tuned into a farce. When Cibalia unexpectedly took the lead, Sinovčić kicked out two of their players and extended the game to 94 minutes, when Osijek succeeded in tying the score. In the extended time, the nine Vinkovci players had no chance, and Osijek won with a goal in the 97th minute. The final phase was realized on September 1, when Novalić and Novosel signed the fictitious contract in which Croatia “blindly” gave Osijek 200,000 DEM for a player they were never seriously interested in.

Antun Novalić offered an interesting explanation for Nacional: “That was a down payment for Vranješ’s possible transfer to Croatia. However, they failed to pay us the rest, and so instead we transferred him to Bayer.” When asked just how much Vranješ’s transfer to Croatia was worth, he didn’t know what to say. “I can’t remember now exactly what the figure was, but the 200,000 DEM was paid in full.” Zlatko Canjuga, then president of NK Croatia claims that he had nothing to do with this contract, adding that his signature is not present on the contract. “I have no idea what kind of a contract this was. All I can remember is that at that time there was talk that Croatia still owned Osijek money for Igor Cvitanović and Davor Šuker and it could be that this was an attempt to compensate for the debts,” was Canjuga’s assumption. It was not possible to hear Mirko Novosel’s comments, as he had turned off his cell phone.

Repression of journalists

What is well known are the events which followed after the Nacional articles concerning the phony championship organized by Franjo Tudjman. The HDZ regime responded with repression to Nacional’s discoveries. The authors of the article were taken into police headquarters for questioning, their homes and offices were searched and they were under constant observation. In spite of this, Ivan Brzović and SZUP never succeeded in finding out who the mole was who had delivered the information to Nacional about the set up championship. Despite numerous threats, criminal charges were never launched against the journalists. The reason is clear: following Tudjman’s death and the collapse of his regime, the political pressures on the justice system and the requests for legal proceedings for revealing state secrets has subsided.

Though Novalić stated that Croatia had paid out the amount in full, several officials from Dinamo have confirmed that he recently visited the new Dinamo administration, requesting the remaining fund be paid, not defining exactly what the expected amount was. Though the contents of the contract are meaningless, both club managements have been trying to hide it from the public eye for the last three years. Considering the overall financial chaos currently reigning in Dinamo, it is no surprise that Novalić returned to Osijek empty handed.

Dinamo currently owes some 7 million DEM, and that to 14 former players alone. Velimir Zajec, then head director of NK Dinamo signed off that debt as inherited from Zlatko Canjuga and Mirko Novosel, as fantastically expensive debts for player contracts. Such as the one for Robert Prosinečki, in which he is guaranteed earnings of 1.55 million DEM, regardless of the number of games played. Though he did not even play in the ten friendly matches over two years for his Spanish team San Sebastian, Igor Cvitanović returned to his home club with a monthly salary of 80,000 DEM. Considering his reputation, the case of Miljenko Mumlek is the most dramatic example of arrogant spending by the club’s former administration. 3.5 million DEM was paid for the transfer of this midfielder from Varteks, who failed to even become a substitute on the national team. Zajec and Mirko Barišić dissolved that contract last year, but in so doing, they were forced to accept a deal which cost them 400,000 DEM. When interest is added to this 7 million DEM debt, it then surpasses 10 million DEM, more than the club’s annual budget.

Zajec vs. Mamić

Under such circumstances, the fierce battle for power continues in Maximir. As Nacional has learned, though Vladimir Zajec resigned two weeks ago due to his ongoing battle with Zdravko Mamić, the possibility of his return has not been ruled out. Zajec’s strongest support lies with the fans, which was confirmed in a meeting between Barišić and representatives of the BBB fan club, which gave the ultimatum for Miroslav Blažević and Zdravko Mamić to go and for Velimir Zajec and Marijan Vlak to return. The most frequent argument against Zdravko Mamić is that he manages virtually all of the young players: goalies Turin and Šarlija, defenders Kwedi, Cesar and Smoje, and strikers Da Silva, Zahora, Papa, Tomić, and Cale. In addition, Mamić has the rights to the most promising Dinamo player, Jerko Leko, who could be invited to play in the upcoming friendly against Wales. Mamić is simply an unscrupulous middleman who thinks only of the financial benefits of a player transfer.

Those who support Zajec claim that he is the most responsible for the move two years ago to begin moving aside the older players and for the financial consolidation of the club. Proof is in the fact that during Zajec’s time, the club reduced player salaries from 11 million DEM a year to a more acceptable 4.5 million. The majority of young player now earn between €10-75,000 per season, while the contracts for the seven senior players hover between €100-130,000.

After the contract revision information was released at the beginning of the year, Zajec’s salary was also allegedly reduced, from 15,000 to 13,000 kuna. Regardless of which faction will win the battle, Dinamo is increasingly transforming into a small provincial club, good only when a promising player is to be sold abroad. It is their fortune though, that they play in Croatia, and not in the west, for in that case, considering that political and financial past, they would be dissolved like Italy’s Fiorentine or sent into the third league.

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