Published in Nacional number 420, 2003-12-03

Autor: Željka Godeč, Željko Rogošić

PORTRAIT OF THE CROATIAN GOVERNMENT MANDATOR

Energetic Catholic who dethroned Pašalić

Ivo Sanader came from a working Catholic family from Zagora, was the director of HNK in Split, worked in the Presidential Office and as the Assistant Foreign Affairs Minister, and showed his real political ambition in 2000 when he took HDZ from the clutches of Ivić Pašalić and became the president of the party

After HDZ’s election success with its president Ivo Sanader, many are asking what type of Premier Croatia received and will he really have the power to separate the current party from its negative past. During HDZ’s first mandate, the public remembers Sanader as Tuđman’s follower who did not jump out from the grey mass of politician and did not appear to be someone who would attempt to attain such a high function. He was reputed as a moderate and careful man, “comfortable and not too pushy”, a respectable colleague, who avoided conflict. His personal and political biography was not as controversial as the typical members in HDZ, as we remember during Tuđman’s era. His political success is illustrated by a photograph of the HDZ team from 1990. In it, the handsome and young Sanader is crouched off to the side in the second row. His serious appearance does not suit a man who sat at the Gripe Sports Center between Split’s HDZ and SDP football game where he scored one goal and brought about a victory for his team.

The new Croatian Premier was born on 8 June 1953 in Split. He comes from a working Catholic family, and his father was born in Dalmatinska zagora. The Sanader family lived very modest, at the start of Plinarska Street, and was always connected to the Church. His father Ante was a plumber and arrived in Split from Dugobaba, a village on rocky ground on the north side of Kozjak, which is located on the way to Sinj and Cetinska krajina; he spent some time working in Germany. His mother Ivanka was a housewife, but, in order to feed her family, she worked as a cleaning lady. She faithfully served the monks at the monastery Our Lady of Health in Split, located in the center of Split on the Gaja Bulata square, across the street from HNK.

Due to their closeness with the Church, which helped the family survive, the family had difficulties during Communism especially after his brother, Vinko, today a parish priest, served mass as Ivo Sanader mentioned in one of his rare interviews. Alongside Ivo, Ante and Ivanka Sanader have four more children: sons Vlado and Miro, who studied theology and live in Austria and Switzerland, daughter Danica, a nun, and son Father Vinko, the parish priest in the Our Lady of the Island Church in Solin, where Pope John Paul II paid a visit during his tour through Croatia, seeing as the Church is an important place in Croatia’s national and cultural history. Ivo Sanader, his sister and brothers studied because of assistance from the Church. After completion of high school, he went to Rome and spent two years there studying theology. He quit theology and went to live with his older brother in Austria and began studying literature at the University of Philosophy in Innsbruck. He graduated after completing his graduate paper on “World views in the works of Jean Anouilh”, which he then believed to be a member of French modern philosophy. He is the author of one of the dramas on Oedipus’s daughter, and he is well known as the author of “Becket”, from which a movie was later filmed with Richard Burton who then starred in one of his more significant roles.

Ivo Sanader grew up in a working block known as Veli Varoš, the oldest part of Split, close to the Old “Hajduk” market, HNK, Our Lady of Health and the Gas Board, where the men were not in the least bit gentle and where belonging to a street gang was very important to social status. That means that Sanader needed to learn how to fight to survive. Even though today he leaves the impression of a refined and educated intellectual, those that knew him well claim that he does not fit that description. His friends from the early days remember him as an exceptional football player, who often assisted his team in winning.

He lived and studied in Innsbruck with his wife Mirjana, an archaeologist and art history major, originally from livanjski kraj; he being comparitivist and romanticist, she an archaeologist who later wrote her doctorate on “Kerber- the protector of the underworld”. Little is known on his life in Austria; sources claim that he supported himself, and that he was forced to work while being a student. One of his sources of capital during that time was that he worked as a reporter for a sports newspaper in Austria.

Later Sanader returned to Split at the beginning of the 1980’s with the title of Doctor of Literature, which by Austrian standards is achieved at the end of studies. At that time, he worked with the Meyer Press agency, known for its erotic content. For Meyer Press, whose headquarters were located in Salzburg, Sanader unloaded pin-up photographs of women for Start. “The owner of the agency respected him; he called him ‘Herr Doctor’. Sanader behaved in a professional manner, he was never late”, remembers Mladen Pleše, the then editor at Start.

His first job position in Split was in marketing at Dalmacijaturist, and his further career was shaped by a meeting with Duško Čizmić Marović, the then founder of the Logos publishing house in Split who today works a columnist for Slobodna Dalmacija. Logos was founded in 1981 as a publishing organization, at the wreckage of the former “Čakavski Parliament”. The city of Marko Marulić, the father of Croatian literature, was one of the rare cities that did not have its own publishers, because publishing services were carried out by individual cultural institutions and associations. One of these, which left a big mark on us even today, was “Književni krug”. Logos was meant to fill the year’s long void in publishing which gave a chance for Dalmatian writers and scientists to publish their works and reach their readers.

Even before meeting Sanader, Čizmić Marović was impressed with his translations and knowledge of Rilke and German literature as well as his charm, seriousness, and business approach. That is how the publishing cooperation began between the two intellectuals who were completely different in world views and political orientation: Čizmić Marović as a Communist and Sanader as a declared Catholic and practical believer, where the Church had a large role in his education and life path. Until 1983 and his dramatic separation from Logos and Čizmić Marović, Sanader worked as the editor of the scientific program at Logos and designed several significant projects. One was the library “Antigon”, in conjunction where all relevant dramatic articles tied to the Greek heroine Antigon were published. Under Sanader’s wing, all articles from Ancient Greece to modern literature by Jean Anouilh were included. The large publishing success was the release of one of its main works, the Maritime Dictionary by Radovan Vidović.

Logos, as all publishing houses, has extraordinary editions as well as business failures. Actually, the publishing house in Split never reached the height of the publishing houses in Zagreb even though they were able to live well from their income at Logos. In 1983, an internal conflict occurred between the employees and director Čizmić Marović. Even though it was expected that Sanader would show loyalty to the man who hired him, Sanader did not want to support Duško Čizmić Marović as the head of the company. Čizmić Marović lost his job and became a security guard. Sanader disputed that his communist ideological claims were the reason for his personal and professional degradation. He even lost his job at Logos when a forced executive board was brought in; when his wife was also fired, the family returned to Austria. From 1988 until 1 January 1991, he worked as an entrepreneur separate of his literature doctorate: he dealt with construction and import/export. It remains unclear as to why Sanader did not accept the docent position for German literature at the University of Philosophy in Zadar.

In the evening of the first democratic elections in Austria, a branch of HDZ was founded and he initialized first contact with Tuđman; upon return to his hometown he immediately included himself in political and cultural life. Mainly because of his contributions to the successful election campaign and HDZ’s victory in 1990, the new city government did not have a dilemma: Ivo Sanader was placed at the head of HNK. The then head of HNK in Split and distinguished member of SKH and later SDP, Ivica Restović, lifted HNK from a provincial theater to a respectable one in a program sense. Even though Restović’s repertoire consultant was Petar Brečić, one of the most respected names in Croatian theater, many were disturbed by Restović’s orientation towards Yugoslavian authors and directors. HDZ, by taking over positions in a range of cultural institutions, wanted to remove Restović for the director’s position at HNK and place its individual at the head. That is how Sanader became the new director in 1991. Sanader worked in this position for the next year and a half, until he went off to Zagreb; he worked closely with Rade Perković, a long time actor at HNK, who later filled his position. Perković, even though he was not a member of HDZ then, was included in all processes and changes that occurred in the cultural, publishing, and media scene in Split. “We spent many days together and participated in creating one successful project during the war”, remembered Perković. From various drama repertoires, Perković separated two plays which speak of Sanader’s artistic life and political vocation in the best way. One was the cultural play at HNK called “Muka spasitelja našega”, which inaugurated a passionate theme in Split, and with which HNK is recognized throughout Croatia. In its sacred messages, it supported the world views of Ivo Sanader as a true and practical Catholic. The second play, that according to Perković marks the era of Sanader as director, is Goldinovi’s “Ribarske svađe”. This play, a chakavian play on words, meant Sanader’s confirmation towards the life of fisherman and the difficult southern and Mediterranean mentality and cultural surroundings. Both plays won various awards.

The third largest merit for Sanader was pointed out by Perković as the appearance of “Marulićevih Dana” in Split. The Croatian drama festival which is successfully held in Split each year was Perković’s idea. “Without Sanader’s support and direct assistance, I would never be able to do this”, said Perković. “The actors and writers received a highway where they can quickly send their work from the drawer to the stage!” he said, while appraising Sanader’s work: “He is an educated man with much energy, a man who desires success and knows how to achieve it. Ivo Sanader, through culture and publishing, managed to define his entrepreneurial spirit. He knows exactly what he does not know, and those types of people easily form a government!”

For his director’s mandate he was known for “grabbing all power” because he declined placing “Julius Cesar” on the repertoire while the basic opera project “Nikola Šubić Zrinski” with defined nationalism remained a part of the Split summer festival. Sanader rejected all the complaints. His largest offense from that time was the personnel purgery based on national foundations. The method in which he carried this out, as recorded by reporters at Feral, was typical to HDZ. Relaxed Serbians described Sanader’s activity as a “correct lay off”, and he explained the reasons for which they became jobless as being “a larger force and time.”

Petar Selem, who directed “Zrinski”, denies the purgery today: “Sanader was wrongfully accused of the terminations. It is not correct that he carried out these actions. There were several logical and completely normal personnel changes that were carried because of artistic and not political reasons. Despite the fact that he led the theater during difficult times, he succeeded in creating several beautiful plays. I believe that Ivo then showed organizational capabilities and vision, and later his theater energy flowed into politics”.

After he left this position, the Sanader family moved to Zagreb, where he easily found a position at the Archeology Department at the University of Philosophy. The beginning of Sanader’s political career went without very many difficulties, newspaper documentation does not record an excess when he was named the Minister of Science and Technology in August 1992. His main task was to negotiate with international peace officials. That arrangement led him to the hierarchy lower level, but significant function as the Assistant Foreign Affairs Minister. His then merits include: the abolition of visas for Croatian citizens that travel to Greece and participating in negotiations on the creation of a Croatian-Bosnian Federation. Despite his political establishment, Sanader was still fairly anonymous at the time, mainly because he belonged to a circle of extremely rigid right wingers.

All the time that he was dealing with issues and satisfying lobbies in Diaspora, his political position was not in question. At that time he did not work a lot and he lived well; as described by Sanader’s close colleagues: “He did not show the desire to advance to the head of the party, he did not stay at the office until the morning hours, he did not think about higher politics and he did not cause scandals…” Relaxation and not entering conflicts ruled over his ambition.

Today many of his colleagues unofficially admit that Sanader’s personality fooled them. Selem is one of the few who publicly confirms this: “I thought that Ivo had a definite dose of Dalmatian nonchalance, which can be pleasant in personal contact, but which can stop a man in large steps and deciding projects; reality has disproved this. It is clear that his long term residence in the West influenced that part of his personality keeping it in a complete private and intimate sphere, while it is not seen in public. Ivo has shown Dalmatia extreme energy, methodology, systematization, and courage.”

That energy led him to the Presidential Office at the end of November 1995, where he replaced Hrvoje Šarinić from his position as the next leader who left on his own will and later reconsidered. That is where the roots of the conflict between Pašalić and Sanader began. In his unlimited desire to rule, Pašalić, as estimated today by Vladimir Šeks, “wanted to get rid of Sanader because he felt intuitively that he was the main political competitor for the head position at HDZ”. There also exists a hypothesis that Pašalić wanted to destroy Mate Granić through Sanader and takeover supervision in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; when he was not successful he turned against Sanader.

There is no evidence in Sanader’s biography that would send him away from central power at Pantovčak: he did not have affairs behind him, he did not steal factories, his brothers and sisters were not the founders of banks banks, and he did not increase his quota in his bank account with the help of these banks. He needed to think up something effective, something that the conservative Tuđman, who liked Sanader very much, could not chew up. The fact that Sanader, during his career as a representative for the Austrian company Meyer Press, mediated in the sale of photographs for news stories and naked pin-ups for Start, Pašalić developed a story on his involvement in pornography stores. And not just any store, he meant those targeting the gay population in which he was oriented apparently because of his own disguised sexual orientation. Tuđman’s reaction was not difficult to foresee: homophobia took a high level in Tuđman’s prejudice ladder. Operation Sanader-homosexual and porno material dealer was activated in summer 1996. The intelligence underground spread the rumor that the clean-cut man with the nice clothes actually led a double sexual life. Even though there was no evidence to support this theory, the reporters at Glorija took to the story and began publishing the intimate rumors. There occurred an editorial change in Glorija and during the next edition, the new editor Dubravka Tomeković-Aralica publicly apologized to Sanader. The article affected him, as stated by one of Tuđman’s close colleagues, because the official denial could not convince Tuđman, who transferred him to one of the lower political positions.

That year, in press and political circles, there emerged a rumor that a videotape exists- an apparent piece of key evidence for Sanader’s secret porno-business, which undoubtedly tainted his reputation. Today, however, it is possible to conclude that the videocassette is Pašalić’s trick. It is difficult to imagine that Pašalić, obsessed with power and schemes who spied and eavesdropped on enemies, would not place the videocassette in public if it really did exist during his fight for power in the party.

The question is what damage that videotape would have today if it did appear out of nowhere. Šeks believes: “This affair served a function for internal party conflicts and proved to be untrue. It is true that the source of these attempts of moral and political disqualification came from circles that were recently eliminated and were gathered around Ivić Pašalić. The sources showed that they received no success and it did not, in any way, affect the successful leadership in the government.”

After that affair, Glorija let Tuđman know that Nacional was researching the topic and the political leaders managed to avoid a scandal in Nacional as well by returning Sanader to Zrinjevac in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He awaited Tuđman’s death there in November 1999 which launched HDZ into election defeat.

In the fight to take over Tuđman’ position in the 5th general HDZ Parliament in May 2000, he was selected for the president of the party, defeating his opposer Ljerka Mintas-Hodak. Pašalić alone realized that he had no chance for public candidacy, because in large he was seen by the public eye as being responsible for the party debacle. That is why he forced his close colleague Ljerka Mintas-Hodak to try, but she did not have the references or characteristics that would force the male members of HDZ to vote for her. On the other hand, there were Šeks, Branimir Glavaš, Petar Šale, Bobetko’s son, and in the search for a new leader, they changed several candidates: from the parish priest in Zadar Kalmet, Andrija Hebrang, Granić… And then a turn around occurred.

Some believe that Sanader as an “individual lacking a vision, and with that ardent political fanaticism”, was Vladimir Šeks’s project. Remembering the circumstances where Sanader became the leader of the then devastated party, Šeks today says: “Sanader was not my project. This happened in a different fashion: when I was selected on 5 January 2000 for the acting official in the party, it was clear that a new individual had to take over the party. Sanader told Luka Bebić and I that he felt capable of taking over leadership and would fight for changes in HDZ. I supported him. Why? Because I judged him as a man who could be an integrative factor in the party; he was not included in the inter fraction conflicts, as a democrat and pro-European he had a good reputation in the international political circles. Finally, I judged him to be a man with the decisiveness to transform HDZ. He later showed that he had the power to eliminate a group gathered around Pašalić, who personified his negative political baggage in HDZ where he lost all influence within one year.”

That all occurred in 2000 and today, Sanader has proved that he is not a comforting Dalmatian who gives low level, earthy pleasures the advantage and did not worry too much about politics; if it was not for his ambitious wife, he would not care.

Among removed party colleagues, Sanader knew which path to take and what the largest shame for HDZ members in the public eye was. Immediately after the party lost power, he personally sought that each criminal activity received a justified court trial. He sought that the money from the Save Children’s Foundation of Croatia would be transferred into the government budget. He indicated political cooperation with The Hague, truthfully, if it would not change historical factors.

All that time he walked the city untouched, as commemorated by his close friend Mario Zubović, a respected dentist in Zagreb and new Parliamentary representative: “I always enjoyed walking through the city with Sanader; eight, five, and two years ago, I was sure that no one would point a finger at us. For a period of time, politicians were not seen on the streets because people attacked them, and Sanader and I went everywhere and never experienced any discomfort.”

At a seating of HDZ’s Central Committee, in June of last year, Sanader gave the final blow and pushed Pašalić away from the party top. For that move, even the reporters from Feral proclaimed him the individual of the week. By removing Pašalić, Sanader formally and symbolically marked the distance from HDZ of the 1990’s. It is interesting that he did not agree to lend a hand to converters in his own party. Petar Selem gives his statement on that: “He wanted to neutralize HDZ’s bad reputation, and with that he showed a manner of balance, and not retaliation. He did not ‘step’ on people and accepted loyalty which the other side offered after the turnaround and after it was clear that Pašalić had fallen.”

After removing people related to Pašalić, remaining Parliamentary parties did not see a coalition with HDZ as a bad thing. He created the impression that Sanader was leaving autistic politics captured within his own borders: one year ago, he suggested that in Parliament, by consensus, there be a mutual declaration on all Parliamentary parties that would insist that the government should immediately request Croatia’s entrance into the EU. In March he began a strong diplomatic offensive, where the goal was to strengthen the international position in the foreign politics plan. While Račan’s government was thinking up a formula for distancing itself from military intervention in Iraq without approval from the UN Security Council, in order to not enter a war with a large world power. Sanader had no other option but to play safe. In the article “Europeans who recognize evil in Iraq” published on 14 March in The Wall Street Journal, American politics was given full support. Until then, American diplomats did not want to deal with anyone from HDZ, but in moments of national crisis and the desire to fight against international terrorism they could not remain indifferent to Sanader’s support. The new leader of HDZ quickly received an awarded meeting with one of the closest friend’s to the ambassador of the USA, Lawrence Rossin.

In the fall, Sanader organized a trip around the world: In Dublin, he spoke with Irish Premier Bertie Ahern, in the European Parliament in Strasbourg he met with EU chairman Silvio Berlusconi, Doris Pack… He constantly convinced foreigners that he was the right man for the position of Croatian Premier despite the fact that the modern world remembers the party as a synthesis of conservativism and reactionism. Berlusconi gave Sanader support and concluded how Europe “dramatically needs people like him.”

In the meantime, Sanader showed the same inclination as Tuđman – whose scribble on a napkin showing the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina became a world topic. In May, Sanader was experienced as a fantast who does not accept the loss of power: “I congratulate director Ivan Juroš in the name of all friend’s who work together with me, and in the name of the future Croatian government, who promised support (V. Šeks, L. Bebić, Petar Čobanković and Mario Zubović).”

In the pre-election campaign, Sanader said everything that was not expected from a typical HDZ member, but went into the appendix of the theory on the new physiognomy of HDZ. It is clear that it was convincing enough, because he was not affected by Feral’s discovery that the District Attorney is investigating against him based on the report that he misused his position in the government hierarchy for legal property purposes. The claim is the suspicious fashion in which he forced the owner of the urban villa, Božena Šešljag that he lives in to leave.

His only mistake that the voters did not take seriously was his accusation that the new government was eavesdropping on opposition politicians and reporters. Voters were not disturbed that he did not prove his hypothesis in any way, or the additional cop-out: “I did not outline claims where the goal was to connect the individuals with criminal responsibilities. If they are eavesdropping on diplomats and academics, why would they not do the same to opposition politicians and reporters? We are not deaf in HDZ, we understand this.”

The crown transformation in HDZ from right wing primitive members and nationalists into a modern party was made by Sanader alone ten days before the elections by calling all Serbian refuges to return to Croatia. He promised them all human and civil rights and “a rapid normalization of relations.”

Whatever anyone thinks about the return of HDZ to power, one thing is for sure: If Ivo Sanader is a civilized democrat or not, he has succeeded in doing what the coalition promised but did not achieve: he got rid of Ivić Pašalić, who in the eyes of Croatian public is the main reason for years of barely getting by in the country. How useful Sanader will be to Croatian citizens and will his nose be prolonged on billboards in the next elections depends on his motivation: personal reasons, political pragmatism, or an actual consciousness on the disastrous influence of Pašalić on life in Croatia.


Petar Selem, friend and party colleague from day one:
We are both from Split; we are both tall and have similar affinity towards culture and the arts. Ivo likes painting, as I, and we are both Hajduk fans. One of his largest merits is that he managed to rehabilitate HDZ after Tuđman’s death. He did that basically alone without any financial means. On one hand, he knew how to balance out his own decisiveness, and on the other he knows how to not lose his ability for a compromise. There have been enough people who did not like him in leadership of the party; maybe because they felt his energy and they feared their own positions.

Mario Zubović, respected dentist from Zagreb and new Parliamentary representative:
Sanader comes from a morally solid family, and we are connected by the desire for an independent and orderly country in which citizens feel secure and live normally. It is important that it is a democratic party and that individuals were expelled who had negative affairs connected to their names. Sanader may not appear decisive at first glance to many, but I was sure that with him HDZ would survive the turmoil and return to power. I expect that the party will be firm, that there will be no grace for mistakes made by members, and that the party will not accept apologies for immoral activities. I think that these individuals will be eliminated from the party, whoever they might be, even if it is me.

Vladimir Šeks:
As the Premier, Sanader is capable of accepting democratic compromise and programs by experts and capable individuals. He is well affirmed in the international community, got rid of the bad image in HDZ and managed to place himself in the position of party leader. He did not manage this by using authority; he used argumentation and hard work. Every person has weaknesses, but it would not be right to talk about them because they could justifiably influence his function. I think that he differs from many other politicians he has shown the ability to foresee his colleagues both in the short-term and long-term.

Mate Granić:
He has large ambitions, dedication and decisiveness. He has managed to change the image of the party and shown decisiveness in ridding the party of individuals that do not fit the new profile. He showed that with a large level of pragmatism. He is a good tactician and he will surely take into account other’s opinions on world opinions in order to fulfill the basic national interest. I expect that his cooperation with The Hague will be successful and that he will do a better job at solving problems with neighboring countries. We need to wait for the final alliance of the Government in order to give a better grade.